21 years ago, on Good Friday 1998, we signed the agreement to end the conflict in Northern Ireland. Our names of Prime Minister and Prime Minister have been followed on this document by people from all over the political spectrum of the United Kingdom and Ireland who have worked so hard for peace. The Good Friday agreement was a monumental moment for both our countries and the citizens of both countries took advantage of the opportunities it offered. Dogs on the street know that it is not possible for goods without customs controls to go to Northern Ireland if they enter the EU internal market. Controls at the Irish border would, for obvious reasons, be the most pessimistic scenario. Its negotiators were thus able to identify specific aspects of the 1998 agreements threatened by Brexit. In trying to justify the creation of legislative powers to break protocol, the British government insists that it is acting to protect the CCM. It is precisely because of issues such as the border that there should be a confirmation vote on what emerges from the Brexit process in Parliament. The issue of the Irish border is a metaphor for all negotiation. It is not possible for the UK to be able to trade smoothly with the EU if it stays outside the internal market, so the question arises as to the extent to which frictions are compatible with the Good Friday agreement, and this in turn defines any Brexit deal that Parliament will pass. After accepting, as early as autumn 2017, the accuracy of this „de facto discussion“, the United Kingdom essentially agreed that the imposition of additional restrictions on the movement of goods across the land border in Ireland would be contrary to GFA Beach 2. He said Mr Johnson had „supported the EU“ and that he would be „very careful when it comes to reaching an agreement with him because they don`t know if it will stay.“ Of all the meetings we attended prior to the Good Friday agreement, none was more difficult than the one with the families of the victims of the riots.